Martin Alvarados Foot Injury

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Martin Alvarados Foot Injury



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Once the tests were conducted, the doctor would have a better idea of the damage to the blood vessels in the brain, and what risks would be involved if transfusions were not ordered. Virginia Ingram appeared at the hearing and voiced her objections to the transfusions. Her religious arguments were linked to her WatchTower beliefs which did not subscribe to the use of blood in any form in the individual.

As for her medical objections, she pointed to the fact that Doctor Frempong would not "guarantee" her that Tara would not die immediately after the transfusions. Since she perceived her daughter to be in good health, she saw no need for the transfusions. The court permitted Children's Hospital to conduct the transfusions to assess Tara's brain damage, if any. Then, once that was completed, it could be determined whether transfusions would be in order for four years or more to minimize a recurrence of another stroke. At the follow-up hearing held on April 5, , Doctor Frempong testified that the results of Tara's arteriogram indicated that she had blood vessel damage to the right and left sides of her brain.

This type of damage was consistent with "sickle cell children who have had strokes. Before the court made its decision on whether to order additional transfusions, Frank and Virginia Ingram were afforded the chance to secure opinions from other doctors as to alternative forms of treatment for this child. As a result thereof, a hearing was held on the 29th day of April, , wherein Virginia Ingram presented evidence from two doctors supposedly supportive of her contention that blood transfusions, and their inherent risks, were not the only means by which to minister to Tara's condition. Virginia Ingram and Tara visited him, and he examined Tara and her hospital records.

He recommended, in his two-page hand-written letter, that transfusions should be implemented only if Tara's hemoglobin Hb level dropped below 7. He noted that folic acid and aspirin should be continued to be administered to the patient. The second doctor, William H. Pogue, was a hematologist from New Britain, Connecticut, and he prepared a two-page typed report in which he made reference to alternative methods of treating Tara, e. However, he conceded in his report that he could "find no evidence in the medical literature of any systematic study of alternative therapy.

Even though none had been tested, he believed the risk involved was no more acute than the present therapy with blood transfusion, the efficacy of which no one could "guarantee" in preventing another stroke. When Doctor Frempong took the stand, he commented that Doctor Pourfar's recommendation that Tara might need a transfusion only if her hemoglobin dropped below 7. Since the average blood count for most patients is between 6. Thus, remarked Doctor Frempong, Doctor Pourfar "is confused about the reason why we may be recommending transfusions for Tara. There, two patients were mentioned as having taken aspirin and sulfinpyrazone, but these were two patients who could not be transfused for various reasons.

This treatment, observed Doctor Frempong, has never been tested in any research study or in any published study, and nobody has ever reported that such treatment would prevent strokes in a sickle-cell patient. It was mentioned simply as a fact about two patients. It was not cited as an alternative therapy that anybody should try. More particular, the doctor stated, the dispensation of folic acid, aspirin and coumadin in a sickle-cell case was considered to be a "risky" therapy since these medications dealt with the thinning of blood and sickle-cell disease was not a blood-clotting problem. Doctor Frempong testified to the following risks attendant to any blood transfusion:. The statistical probability of doing so is one in forty thousand.

The statistical probability of doing so is one in two thousand. However, this is treatable. Lastly, Doctor Frempong mentioned that if Tara did not receive the transfusion therapy, albeit she would not be in "imminent danger of death", the witness did think she was in "danger of recurrent strokes". In addition, the guardian ad litem was present and stated, after speaking with the people involved and members of the medical community e. He was in favor of having transfusions administered to Tara since the state of medical knowledge indicated no effective alternative, i. After consideration of the aforementioned evidence, the court below denied Children's Hospital its petition seeking appointment as a special guardian for Tara. However, with the filing of exceptions to the order of court, a request for another hearing to present additional medical testimony was granted.

Further, Tara was considered to be a candidate to suffer severe neurological deficiencies or other complications relating to stroke, i. Doctor Stuart concurred in Doctor Frempong's transfusion therapy as being the best medical treatment available. Likewise, she discounted the feasibility of alternative therapies, as was discussed in Doctor Pogue's report, since none had been tested positive against sickle-cell anemia. More importantly, she characterized Tara's condition as a "semi-emergency", which she considered to be a situation where a person faces death within a week to a year after diagnosis of an ailment.

The end result of the hearing was the entry of the June 6, , order appointing Saint Christopher's Hospital as special guardian for the purpose of consenting to blood transfusion therapy for Tara for a period of one year only. Underlying the guarantee is a principle of neutrality, a belief that religion is 'not within the cognizance of civil government. Nevertheless, the right of the parent to control every aspect of a child's life is not absolute. When actions concerning a child have a relation to that child's well-being, the state may act to promote these legitimate interests. The existence of such authority is evident in the remarks of the Court in Prince v. Massachusetts , And neither rights of religion nor rights of parenthood are beyond limitation. Acting to guard the general interest in youth's well being, the state as parens patriae may restrict the parent's control by requiring school attendance, regulating or prohibiting the child's labor and in many other ways.

Its authority is not nullified merely because the parent grounds his claim to control the child's course of conduct on religion or conscience. Thus, he cannot claim freedom from compulsory vaccination for the child more than for himself on religious grounds. The catalogue need not be lengthened. It is sufficient to show what indeed appellant hardly disputes, that the state has a wide range of power for limiting parental freedom and authority in things affecting the child's welfare; and that this includes, to some extent, matters of conscience and religious conviction.

This prevented him from standing or ambulating due to the collapse of his spine. To relieve the problem, doctors recommended "spinal fusion", a dangerous operation to which the mother consented conditionally. Being a Jehovah's Witness, she would allow the surgery but not any blood transfusion. This prompted the hospital to seek relief through the courts. Superior Court reversed the lower court's denial of the petition seeking Green adjudged 'neglected' and the appointment of the hospital as guardian. On appeal, the Supreme Court reversed, remanding to allow the son the opportunity to voice his own position as to whether he wanted to have the operation, he being of age to make that decision without parental intervention.

However, in the course of doing so, the Court wrote: ' This statement was the outgrowth of a case scenario in which, albeit the operation on Green would have been beneficial, there was no evidence that his life was in danger or that the operation had to be performed immediately. As a consequence, the Court was confronted with a situation in which a parent would not consent to a dangerous operation on a minor child requiring blood transfusion solely because of her religious beliefs. For example, granted Tara was not in extremis physically, and Doctor Frempong stated as much when he responded to the question of whether Tara was in grave or imminent danger of death without the transfusions in the following manner: 'If she receives the current care available, I would not say that she's in imminent danger of death, but any child with sickle-cell disease faces a danger of death from certain complications.

The most difficult of these complications would be a stroke in a part of the brain that controls breathing, heartbeat, and functions like that, for which, at this time, we have no way of reversing. Nonetheless, an argument could be made that Tara's sustaining a debilitating consequence from her failure to receive transfusion, on a sliding scale of available medical information, undoubtedly was extant. As stated by the court below: ' Tara's condition is a matter of life or death. Although the exigency of the situation cannot be precisely determined, Dr.

Frempong and Dr. Stuart have both testified that although they cannot say that Tara, without the long-term therapy will die today or tomorrow, they can say that without the therapy there is an eighty 80 percent chance of a recurrent stroke, the complications of which can be fatal. Frempong has testified that there is always the chance of complete recovery after a stroke but Dr. Stuart is of the opinion that according to research, there is a significant incidence of residual effects which can be fatal. For instance, after a major stroke a child could be left with an I.

Furthermore, without long-term treatment, Tara's life span will definitely be shortened and recurrent strokes will result in cumulative damage to her life functioning. Ingram's medical fears were "stronger" than her religious objections [or at least that was the strategy her attorney recommended]. As she phrased it: ' I'm seeking an alternative to blood transfusions, another way of treatment. I want any thing that will be able to help [Tara]. Any drug that they found that will be helpful, I will agree with it.

If they can administer anything helpful, I wouldn't be against it at all. I would never be against it. Ingram's 'major' objection about what should be done for Tara was 'her disagreement with the medical opinions of Doctor Frempong and Children's Hospital'. Such has occurred twice in Tara's case, so state the doctors. Any further strokes present the real problem of resultant mental retardation, loss of speech, severe paralysis which includes hemiplegia or paraplegia, paralysis of one-half of the body , and loss of other intellectual functions on a selective basis without profound mental retardation is also possible.

As noted in Prince , supra, it does not follow that parents who wish to be martyrs for their religious beliefs have a right to impose such martyrdom upon their offspring before they reach their age of full and legal discretion. In December , an unidentified 13 year-old male was placed in the custody of Harris County Children's Protective Services due to the refusal by his Jehovah's Witness Parents to consent to blood transfusions made possibly necessary by an in-home accident that resulted in a severe cut to the boy's leg. The court authorized that the boy receive all necessary medical care, including blood transfusions, if such became necessary. Vascular surgery and followup skin graft surgery were performed at Ben Taub Hospital in January In August , an unidentified female teenager was injured in an automobile accident in California.

The teenager's Jehovah's Witnesses parents refused to consent to blood transfusions. The hospital sought and obtained a court order to administer the needed transfusions, but such were too delayed. The unidentified female JW teenager died. In January , Lezlie Paros, age 14, of El Centro, CA, along with her father Ernesto Paros, age 35, and her younger brother, Matthew Ryan Paros, age 11, were all riding in the family's pickup truck, driven by the mother, Bertha Paros, age 36, on Interstate 8, when they collided with a CalTrans vehicle. Lezlie Paros lost so much blood that life-saving blood transfusions were needed. However, Bertha Paros refused to give doctors her consent based on her beliefs as one of Jehovah's Witnesses.

The attending doctors were forced to petition the local court for legal intervention. Outcome of the legal battle is unclear, but Lezlie Paros barely survived despite suffering a disabling head injury. It is believed that after this tragic drama that Bertha Paros eventually left the Jehovah's Witnesses. In September , a madman named James William Wilson, who had been hospitalized five times for mental illness, went on a shooting rampage at Oakland Elementary School in Greenwood, South Carolina. Among the eleven teachers and students shot was a 8-year-old girl named Tequila Thomas.

Thomas was struck in the neck and chest by a. She never regained consciousness. Taken to Self Memorial Hospital, doctors immediately administered blood transfusions in an attempt to keep her from dying there in the emergency room. Thomas, age 33, and Marie Dawkins Thomas, age 34, arrived, they not only refused to consent to additional needed blood transfusions, but they demanded that the doctors stop the ongoing transfusions.

The hospital sought and received an emergency court order to continue administering the needed transfusions. Tequila Thomas died three days later from the damages caused by the gunshot wound. She would have died the day of the shooting from massive blood loss if not for the doctors' efforts. Tequila Tomas was survived by her 6 year-old sister, Tecola Monique Thomas. Casper, ran around making uninformed comments about how the hospital did this and did that without first contacting the JW Parents, and giving them a chance to explain their WatchTower beliefs, and violating the parents' civil rights, blah, blah, blah -- as if that is a hospital's first priority when they have 11 gunshot victims bleeding to death in their ER.

Alfred Thomas was more concerned that one of the media outlets had reported that Marie Thomas and he were "relieved" that the hospital had sought court intervention so that their daughter could be administered blood transfusions. Alfred Thomas made it clear to reporters that, "My wife and I both refused blood transfusions for our daughter, adamantly or vehemently. In November , Alisha D. Nuckols was born in the front seat of her Jehovah's Witness Parent's Honda Civic station wagon parked on the shoulder of a California freeway. James Nuckols and Stacey Nuckols, age 25, who lived in Big Bear, had decided that, rather than deliver their baby at any number of hospitals close to their home, that they would deliver at St.

Joseph Hospital all the way in Orange, California. Paramedics later transported mother and daughter to the hospital, and both were apparently okay. Why would these JW Parents put the lives of the mother and baby at risk in order to travel that far? They told a reporter that they were concerned that blood transfusions "might become an issue at a local hospital, and that for whatever reasons such would not be the case at St. Joseph Hospital in Orange, California.

Tests revealed that Carlos Heurtematte had lost a lot of blood due to a hole inside his intestines. When doctors told Robert Heurtematte and wife that Carlos would need blood transfusions to save his life, the Jehovah's Witness Parents responded that they would not consent to blood transfusions. The hospital then filed an emergency petition for guardianship with a local Dade County court, and requested authorization to administer the necessary transfusions. However, the law is different when children were involved. Florida law says parents may not refuse medical care for their child if that refusal jeopardizes the child's life or health, said John Kelner, attorney for the hospital, Mount Sinai Medical Center.

Limited details. On April 22, , Florida's Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services' petitioned a local court for dependency, alleging that the parents of "J. At an emergency hearing, a physician testified that "J. The parents of J. The lower court found J. In August , 10 month-old Chantilly Tillackdharry, of Miramar, Florida, was being treated at North Miami Medical Center for a blood-clotting problem, when her doctor recommended a blood transfusion.

Jehovah's Witness Parents, Ramdharry A. Tillackdharry, age 32, and Anna G. That unidentified doctor reported the situation to Florida's Department of Health and Rehabilitative Services, which sought court intervention. The police attempted to be "nice", but when that JW Elder thought that he was ruling the situation, the police gave that JW Elder and the Tillackdharrys an ultimatum -- open up or their fence would be pulled down apparently SWAT was onsite and they would go to jail.

Chantilly R. Tillackdharry was transported to the emergency room of Memorial Hospital in Hollywood, Florida, where she was checked out and eventually released to her JW Parents without treatment. That was NOT the end of this medical situation. That was just the end of the media coverage. Kenneth Miller, a WatchTower spokesperson excused the parents' actions, saying they were extremely upset.

In March , Pame Bradley, the Jehovah's Witness Mother of twin boys delivered two months prematurely at Fort Lauderdale's Broward General Medical Center refused to consent to life-saving blood transfusions for her newborn twins. The hospital petitioned and received court authorization to administer blood transfusions and other necessary medical care for the two boys who weighed only about 32 ounces each, and were surviving on a respirator. The newborn suffered with respiratory problems and lack of oxygen in the blood. Schoonmaker and Dorothy Schoonmaker, all refused consent for life-saving blood transfusions.

Court intervention was sought and received. Outcome unnknown. Court intervention was sought and received on behalf of both Tammy McLamore and her newborn son. Outcomes unknown. In January , the unidentified Jehovah's Witness parents of a seven weeks premature infant refused to consent to blood transfusions needed to save his life. Officials at Alta Bates Hospital contacted the Berkeley Police, who in turn sought and received a court order authorizing the needed blood transfusions. Born with multiple congenital defects, doctors needed to perform emergency surgery on the newborn's large intestine to correct a perforated bowel, but Edward Dawson and Rita Dawson refused to consent to blood transfusions that would be necessary during and after the surgery.

Officials at Allentown Hospital were forced to seek and obtain court approval to provide the baby with all necessary medical care needed to save its life. At the hearing, Edward Dawson read multiple passages from the Old Testament about forbidden "blood eating". In August , year-old David Eric Hess, of Muskogee, Oklahoma, needed a life-saving blood transfusion during surgery made necessary when David Hess was injured while "playing" inside a partially demolished commercial building.

William David Hess and Alice Hess refused to consent for the blood transfusion due to their beliefs as Jehovah's Witnesses. They quoted a passage from Leviticus that reads: "Whatsoever man. Montezuma refused every assistance, and all the endeavours of Father Olmedo could not prevail upon him to embrace the holy Catholic faith, neither could he be prevailed upon to have his wounds attended to. When informed of his death, Cortes and our captains lamented him exceedingly, and all of us soldiers who had been acquainted with his generosity and other amiable qualities, grieved as for the loss of a father. He was said to have reigned seventeen years, and to have been the best of all the sovereigns who had ruled over Mexico; having fought and conquered in three pitched battles, while subjugating other states to his dominions.

After the death of Montezuma, Cortes sent two of our prisoners, a nobleman and a priest, with a message to the new sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, to inform him of the melancholy event, which had happened by the hands of his own subjects; to express our grief on the occasion; and our wish that Montezuma might be interred with that respect which was due to his exalted character. Cortes likewise informed these messengers, that he did not acknowledge the right of the sovereign whom the Mexicans had chosen, as the throne ought to belong to the son of the great Montezuma, or to his cousin, who was now a prisoner in our quarters. He desired them also to say, if they would desist from hostilities, we would immediately march out of their city.

He then ordered the body of Montezuma to be carried out by six nobles, and attended by most of the priests whom we had taken prisoners, desiring them to deliver the body of their deceased monarch to the Mexican chiefs, according to his dying injunctions. We could hear the exclamations of sorrow which were expressed by the people, at the sight of the body of their late sovereign; but our message was unavailing, as they recommenced their attack on our quarters with the utmost violence, threatening that in two days we should all pay with our lives for the death of their king and the dishonour of their gods, as they had now a sovereign whom we could not deceive as we had done by the good Montezuma.

Our situation was now exceedingly alarming, and on the day after the death of Montezuma, we made another sally towards that part of the city which contained many houses built on the firm ground, meaning to do all the injury we could, and, taking advantage of the causeway, to charge through the enemy with our cavalry, hoping to intimidate them by severe military execution, so as to induce them to grant us a free passage; we accordingly forced our way to that part of the city, where we burnt down about twenty houses, and very nearly reached the firm land[4]. But the injury we did the enemy was dearly purchased by the death of twenty of our soldiers, and we were unable to gain possession of any of the bridges, which were all partly broken down, and the enemy had constructed barricades or retrenchments in various places to obstruct the cavalry, wherever they could have done most essential service.

Thus our troubles and perplexities continually increased, and we were forced again to fight our way back to our quarters. In this sally, which took place on a Thursday, Sandoval and others of our cavalry acted with great bravery; but those who came with Narvaez, not having been accustomed to such service, were timorous in comparison with our veterans. The number and fury of our enemies increased daily, while our force was diminished by each successive attack, and from our wounds we were become less able for resistance. Our powder was almost entirely expended; provisions and water became scarce; our friend Montezuma was no more; all our proposals for peace were rejected; the bridges by which we might have retreated were broken down; and in fine nothing but death in its direst form of immolation to their horrible idols appeared before us.

In this state almost bordering on despair, it was resolved by Cortes in a consultation with all his confidential officers and soldiers, to make an attempt to quit the city during the night, as we were in expectation to find the enemy less upon their guard than in the day time. In order to deceive them, a message was sent by one of their chief priests who had been made prisoner, engaging to give up all the treasure in our possession, if they would give us permission within eight days to quit the city. Four days before this, one Botello, who pretended to be an astrologer, predicted that if we did not leave Mexico on this very night, that none of us would ever get out of it alive, adding many other foolish particulars to his prophecy.

As it was determined to endeavour to force our way from the city, a portable bridge of very strong timber was prepared for enabling us to pass over the canals or passages in the causeway, where the enemy had broken down the bridges; and one hundred and fifty of our soldiers, with four hundred Tlascalan allies, were appointed for conveying, guarding, and placing this bridge. The advanced guard of an hundred of our youngest and most active men, was commanded by Sandoval, assisted by Azevedo, De Lugo, De Ordas, and De Tapia, with eight of the captains that came with Narvaez. The rear guard of an hundred men, mostly those of Narvaez, and the greater part of our cavalry, was confided to Alvarado and Velasquez de Leon.

Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, with the Mexican chiefs who were prisoners, were placed under an escort of thirty Spanish soldiers and three hundred Tlascalans: Our general, with Avila, Oli, and other officers, and fifty soldiers, formed a body of reserve to act where they might be most needed. The rest of our soldiers and allies, with the baggage, formed a main body along with which the prisoners and their especial escort was to move, under protection of the van and rear guards. By the time that all these arrangements were completed, it drew towards night, and Cortes caused all the gold, which had hitherto been kept in his apartment, to be brought into the great hall of our quarters, when he desired Avila and Mexia, the kings officers, to take charge of what belonged to his majesty, assigning them eight wounded horses and above fourscore Mexicans for its conveyance.

When these were loaded with all the gold they were able to carry, a great deal more remained heaped up in the saloon. Cortes then desired his secretary Hernandez and other notaries to bear witness that he could no longer be responsible for this gold; and desired the soldiers to take as much as they pleased, saying it were better for them to have it, than to leave it to their Mexican enemies. Upon this many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some even of our veterans, loaded themselves with treasure. I was never avaricious, and was now more intent on saving my life than on the possession of riches: I took the opportunity, however, of carrying off four calchihuis from a casket, though Cortes had ordered his major-domo to take especial care of this casket and its contents, and these jewels were of infinite use to me afterwards, as a resource against famine, as they are highly prized by the Indians.

The memorable night of our leaving Mexico, was dark, with much mist and some rain. Just before midnight, the detachment having charge of the portable bridge moved off from our quarters, followed in regular succession by the other divisions of our army. On coming to the first aperture in the causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, by which we retreated as being the shortest, the bridge was laid across, and was passed by the vanguard, the baggage, artillery, part of the cavalry, the Tlascalans with the gold. It rained so heavily that some of the horses became restive and plunged into the water with their riders; and to add to our distress our portable bridge was broken down at this first gap, and it was no longer serviceable.

The enemy attacked us with redoubled fury, and as our soldiers made a brave resistance, the aperture became soon choked up with the dead and dying men and horses, intermixed with artillery, packs and bales of baggage, and those who carried them, all heaped up in the water. Many of our companions were drowned at this place, and many were forced into canoes and hurried away to be sacrificed. It was horrible to hear the cries of these unfortunate captives, calling upon us for aid which we were unable to give, and invoking the blessed Virgin and all the saints in vain for deliverance.

Others of our companions escaped across those gaps in the causeway, by clambering over the confused mass of dead bodies and luggage by which they were filled, and were calling out for assistance to help them up on the other side; while many of them, thinking themselves in safety when they got to the firm ground, were there seized by the Mexicans, or killed with war clubs.

All the regularity which had hitherto guided our march was now utterly lost and abandoned. Cortes and all the mounted officers and soldiers galloped off along the causeway, providing for their own immediate safety, and leaving all the rest to save ourselves as we best might: Nor can I blame them for this procedure, as the cavalry could do nothing against the enemy, who threw themselves into the water on both sides of the causeway when attacked, while others, by continual flights of arrows from the houses, or with long lances from the canoes on each side, killed and wounded the men and horses. Our powder was all expended, so that we were unable to do any injury to the Mexicans in the canoes. In this situation of utter confusion and derout, the only thing we could do was by uniting together in bands of thirty or forty, to endeavour to force our way to the land: When the Indians closed upon us, we exerted our utmost efforts to drive them off with our swords, and then hurried our march to get over the causeway as soon as possible.

Had we waited for each other, or had our retreat been in the day, we had all been inevitably destroyed. The escape of such as made their way to land, was due to the mercy of God who gave us strength to force our way; for the multitudes that surrounded us, and the melancholy sight of our companions hurried away in the canoes to instant sacrifice, was horrible in the extreme.

About fifty of us, mostly soldiers of Cortes, with a few of those who came with Narvaez, stuck together in a body, and made our way along the causeway through infinite difficulty and danger. As soon as we thought them within reach, we faced about and repelled them with a few thrusts of our swords, and then resumed our march. We thus proceeded, until at last we reached the firm ground near Tacuba, where Cortes, Sandoval, De Oli, Salcedo, Dominguez, Lares, and others of the cavalry, and such of the infantry as had got across the bridge before it was broken down, had already arrived[6]. On our approach, we heard the voices of Sandoval, De Oli, and Morla, calling on Cortes to return to the assistance of those who were still on the causeway, who loudly complained of being abandoned.

Cortes replied, that it was a miracle any should have escaped, and that all who returned to the bridges would assuredly be slain: Yet he actually did return with ten or twelve of the cavalry and such of the infantry as had escaped unhurt, and proceeded along the causeway to attempt the succour of such as might be still engaged. He had not gone far when he met Alvarado badly wounded, accompanied by three of our soldiers, four of those belonging to Narvaez, and eight Tlascalans, all severely wounded and covered with blood. These Alvarado assured him were all that remained of the rear-guard, Velasquez de Leon and about twenty of the cavalry, and above an hundred of the infantry, who had belonged to his division, being all slain, or made prisoners and carried away to be sacrificed.

He said farther, that after all the horses were slain, about eighty had assembled in a body and passed the first gap on the heaps of luggage and dead bodies; that at the other bridge the few who now accompanied him were saved by the mercy of God. I do not now perfectly recollect in what manner he passed that last aperture, as we were all more attentive to what he related of the death of Velasquez and above two hundred of our unhappy companions. He must, however, have got over on the baggage and dead bodies; for the water was too deep for him to have reached the bottom with his lance, and the aperture was too wide and the sides too high for him to have leaped over, had he been the most active man in the world.

In about a year after, when we besieged Mexico, I was engaged with the enemy at that very bridge which was called Alvarados Leap, where the enemy had constructed breastworks and barricades, and we all agreed that the leap was impossible. One Ocampo, a soldier who came with Garay, who used to amuse himself with lampoons, made one on this supposed feat of Alvarado, saying, "That fear made him give that prodigious leap, leaving Velasquez and two hundred more to their fate as he leaped for his life.

Messengers had been already sent from Mexico, ordering all the people of Tacuba, Ezcapuzalco, Tenajocan, and other neighbouring cities on that side of the lake, to collect and attack us; and they now began to surround us in the inclosed courts of Popotla where we had taken shelter, harassing us with stones and arrows, and even attacking us with lances, many of which were headed with the swords which we lost during our retreat. We defended ourselves against this attack as well as we could, and made several sallies to drive them off. But, as the enemy continually increased in number, it was determined to endeavour to reach Tlascala, for which purpose we set out under the direction of six or seven of our allies who were well acquainted with the country.

After a fatiguing march by an indirect road, during which we were much harassed by the enemy, who plied us with stones and arrows, we reached some houses on a hill near a temple, where we defended ourselves, and took such care as we could of our wounds; but could get no provisions. Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of proper dressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplore the loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiers of Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. Poor Botello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal night of our retreat from Mexico.

All our artillery were lost. We had only twenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situation was melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource but to endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception was exceedingly uncertain[8]. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly harassed in our present post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the direction of our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had to walk with the aid of crutches; others were assisted on each side by some of their companions; and those who were utterly unable to support themselves were placed upon lame horses.

Thus, making head against the enemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having the cavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the wounded Spaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually harassed by the enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction; words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention the satisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa had been saved in our retreat from Mexico.

Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers of Donna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in the retreat. On this day we reached a large town named Gualtitlan[9]. From that place we continued our march, still harassed at every step by the enemy, whose numbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killed two of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pass, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves.

Having repulsed them, we reached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper of the slain horse[10]. We began our march very early next morning, and had only proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of a plain through which we must necessarily pass was covered over by an innumerable army.

This intelligence was truly terrifying to our small numbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds; yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative. We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantry being directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposed ourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were ordered to charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at the faces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts.

While recommending ourselves to God and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, the enemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. It is impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How we closed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding us with their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will with couched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fighting most manfully though they and their horses were all wounded.

We too of the infantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we now received, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear them down with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to us to strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by their plumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. The valiant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory!

Trust in God, who will still preserve us to do him service. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued to maintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. At length it was the will of God, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, De Oli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of the enemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguished from all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume of feathers, and the grand standard of the army[11]. Immediately on Cortes perceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many nobles wearing plumes of feathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us charge these men, and if we succeed the day is our own. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, who seized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, that as he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right.

It pleased God, that the enemy should relax in their efforts immediately on learning the death of their general and of the numerous chiefs who surrounded him. On perceiving that they began to retreat, we forgot our hunger, thirst, fatigue, and wounds, and thought of nothing but victory and pursuit. Our scanty cavalry followed them up close, dealing destruction around them on every side; and our faithful allies fought like lions, mowing down all before them with the arms which the enemy threw away to facilitate their flight.

On the return of our cavalry from the pursuit, we gave humble thanks to God for our unexpected victory and miraculous preservation. Never had the Mexican empire collected together so large a force as on this occasion; being composed of all the warriors of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlalcopan, headed by the whole nobility of these nations, magnificently armed and adorned, and all determined not to leave a single trace of us upon earth. This great and decisive battle was fought in the neighbourhood of a place called Obtumba, Otumba, or Otompan. I have frequently seen it, and all the other battles we fought against the Mexicans, antecedent to the final conquest, admirably represented in Mexican paintings.

It is now proper to mention, that we entered Mexico to relieve Alvarado on the 24th of June , with upwards of soldiers, including 97 cavalry, 80 musketeers, and 80 armed with crossbows; having with us a great train of artillery, and warriors of our allies the Tlascalans. Our flight from Mexico was on the 1st of the succeeding month of July, and the battle of Obtumba on the 4th of that month. In Mexico, during our passage of the causeway, on our march, and in the battle, we lost above soldiers, including 72 of those belonging to Narvaez, and five Spanish women, who were put to death at a place called Tustepeque. Upwards of of our Tlascalan allies were also killed; as were Juan de Alcantara and two more who had been sent from Chempoalla for the share of the gold assigned to the garrison of Villa Rica, who were robbed and murdered.

Upon the whole, all who were concerned in the treasure came to bad fortune; and thus a much greater proportion of the soldiers of Narvaez perished in the flight from Mexico than of our veterans, as they had avariciously loaded themselves with gold on that unhappy night[12]. Diaz is often negligent of dates, but we learn in a subsequent passage, that this disastrous retreat from Mexico was on the 1st of July Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience.

Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets. But the distances and difficulty of the march renders this almost impossible. The chronology and distances, taking the names of some of the stages from Clavigero, II. March to Quauhtitlan, 2d July, 10 miles. To Xoloc, 3d July, 13 miles. To Zacamolco, 4th July, 10 miles. To Otompan, 5th July, 3 milesand indeed these dates are sufficiently confirmed by Diaz himself in the sequel. Of these above were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only ; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds.

We halted for the night in a strong temple, being occasionally alarmed by detached parties of the Mexicans, who still kept hovering about us, as if determined to see us out of their country. From this place we were rejoiced at seeing the mountains of Tlascala, being anxious to ascertain the fidelity of these allies, and to hear news from our friends at Villa Rica. Cortes warned us to be exceedingly cautious of giving any offence to the Tlascalans, and particularly enforced this advice on the soldiers of Narvaez, who were less accustomed to discipline. He said that he hoped to find our allies steady in their attachment; but if they should have changed in consequence of our misfortunes, although we were now only strong, all wounded and ill armed, we still possessed vigorous bodies and firm minds to carry us through, if necessary, to the coast.

We now arrived at a fountain on the side of a hill, where we came to a rampart built in ancient times as a boundary between the state of Tlascala and the dominions of Mexico. We halted here, and then proceeded to a town called Gualiopar, or Huejotlipan, where we halted one day, and procured some food for which we were obliged to pay. Immediately on our arrival being announced at Tlascala, our friends Maxicatzin, Xicotencatl, Chichimecatl, the chief of Huexatcinco, and others, came to wait upon Cortes, whom they embraced, yet kindly blamed him for having neglected their advice to distrust the treachery of the Mexicans.

They wept for the losses we had sustained, yet rejoiced at our escape, and praised our valiant actions; assuring us that they were assembling 30, of their warriors to have joined us at Obtumba. They were rejoiced to see Donna Marina and Donna Luisa, and lamented the loss of the other ladies. Maxicatzin in particular bewailed the fate which had befallen his daughter and Velasquez de Leon, to whom he had given her. They invited us to their city, where we were kindly received, and where we reposed in peace and safety after our many and severe hardships. Cortes lodged in the house of Maxicatzin, Alvarado in that of Xicotencatl, and the other officers were distributed among the houses of the nobles, all the soldiers being likewise supplied with comfortable quarters and abundant food.

Here in the midst of our friends, we recovered from our wounds and fatigues, all except four who died. Soon after our arrival, Cortes made inquiry after certain gold to the value of 40, crowns, the share belonging to the garrison of Villa Rica, which had been sent here from Mexico; and was informed by the Tlascalan chiefs, and by a Spanish invalid left here when on our march to Mexico, that the persons who had been sent for it from Villa Rica had been robbed and murdered on the road, at the time we were engaged in hostilities with the Mexicans.

Letters were sent to Villa Rica, giving an account of all the disastrous events which had befallen us, and desiring an immediate supply of all the arms and ammunition that could be spared, and to send us a strong reinforcement. By the return of the messengers, we were informed that all was well at Villa Rica and the neighbourhood, and that the reinforcement should be immediately sent. We were involved in some trouble by the younger Xicotencatl, who had commanded the Tlascalan army against us on our first arrival in their country. This ambitious chieftain, anxious to be revenged upon us for the disgrace he had formerly sustained, on hearing of our misfortunes and our intended march to Tlascala, conceived a project for surprising us on our march and putting us all to death.

For this purpose, he assembled many of his relations, friends, and adherents, to whom he shewed how easily we might all be destroyed, and was very active in forming a party and collecting an army for this purpose. Although severely reproached by his father for this treacherous design, he persevered in his plan; but the intrigue was discovered by Chichimecatl, his determined enemy, who immediately communicated the intelligence to the council of Tlascala, before whom Xicotencatl was brought prisoner to answer for his treacherous intentions. Maxicatzin made a long speech in our favour, representing the prosperity which their state had enjoyed ever since our arrival, by freeing them from the depredations of their Mexican enemies, and enabling them to procure salt from which they had been long debarred.

He then reprobated the proposed treachery of the younger Xicotencatl, against men who certainly were those concerning whom the prophecy had been handed down by their ancestors. In reply to this, and to a discourse from his father to the same purpose, the young man used such violent and disrespectful language, that he was seized and thrown down the steps of the council-hall into the street, with such violence that he narrowly escaped with his life. Such was the faithful conduct of our Tlascalan allies, and Cortes did not think it prudent to push the matter any farther in our present ticklish situation. After remaining twenty two days in Tlascala, Cortes resolved upon attacking the adjoining provinces of Tepejacac and Zacatula, on account of some murders the inhabitant of these districts had committed on the Spaniards; but the soldiers of Narvaez were decidedly averse from entering into any new war, as the slaughter of Mexico and the battle of Obtumba made them anxious to renounce Cortes and his conquests, and to return as soon as possible to their houses and mines in Cuba.

Beyond all the rest, Andres Duero was heartily sick of his junction with Cortes, regretting the gold he had been forced to leave in the ditches of Mexico. These men, finding that words were of no avail to persuade Cortes to relinquish his plans of conquest, made a formal remonstrance in writing, stating the insufficiency of our force, and demanding leave to return to Cuba. Cortes urged every reason he could think of to induce them to concur in his schemes; and we who were his own soldiers, requested him on no account to permit any one to depart, but that all should remain to serve the cause of God and the king. The malcontents were forced reluctantly to acquiesce, murmuring against Cortes and his expeditions, and us who supported him, who, they said, had nothing but our lives to lose[1].

We now, therefore, set out on an expedition to chastise these districts, without artillery or fire-arms of any kind, all of which had been left in the Mexican canals. Our force consisted of 16 cavalry, of our own infantry, mostly armed with swords and targets, and about Tlascalans. We halted at about three leagues from Tepejacac, but the inhabitants had deserted their houses on our approach.

Having got some prisoners during the march, Cortes sent them to the chiefs with a message, intimating that he came to demand justice for the murder of eighteen Spaniards in their territories, and for their admitting Mexican troops into their country; and threatening them with fire and sword if they did not immediately submit to his authority. By our messengers and two Mexicans, they sent back a message, ordering us to return immediately, or they would put us all to death, and feast upon our bodies.

Upon this it was determined in a council of the officers, that a full statement of all that had passed, should be drawn up by a royal notary, denouncing slavery on the Mexicans or their allies who had killed any Spanish subjects, after having submitted to the authority of the king. When this was drawn up and authenticated, we sent once more to require their submission, giving notice of the inevitable consequences of their disobedience. But they returned an answer like the former. Both sides being prepared for battle, we came to action with them next day; and as the enemy were drawn up in open fields of maize, our cavalry soon put the enemy to flight with considerable loss, though they made an obstinate resistance.

In this battle our Tlascalan allies fought bravely; and, in the pursuit, we took a good many prisoners, all of whom were made slaves of. We made excursions from this place through the surrounding district, and to the towns of Cachula, Tecamechalco, Guayavas, and some others, taking many prisoners, who were immediately branded for slaves; and in about six weeks we reduced the people to order and obedience. At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel had arrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had been lieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteen soldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez, ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent to Castile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos.

On the arrival of Barba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in a boat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiral saluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the others inquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told that Narvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches, while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers.

They then invited Barba and the rest on shore; but the moment they entered the boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes. The ship was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba and his men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for though we did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy from continual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late. The ecclesiastical authorities were so worried by this threat to their peaceful efforts at evangelisation that they eventually supported military intervention. This successful resistance against Spanish attempts at domination served to attract ever more Indians fleeing colonial rule.

Two Spanish missionaries also remained in the town. The soldiers commanded by Barrios Leal conquered a number of Ch'ol communities. Mercederian friar Diego de Rivas was based at Dolores del Lakandon, and he and his fellow Mercederians baptised several hundred Lakandon Ch'ols in the following months and established contacts with neighbouring Ch'ol communities. By the area immediately north of the new colony of Guatemala was being referred to as the Tierra de Guerra "Land of War".

Whenever the Spanish located a centre of population in this region, the inhabitants were moved and concentrated in a new colonial settlement near the edge of the jungle where the Spanish could more easily control them. This strategy resulted in the gradual depopulation of the forest, simultaneously converting it into a wilderness refuge for those fleeing Spanish domination, both for individual refugees and for entire communities. In this way they congregated a group of Christian Indians in the location of what is now the town of Rabinal. The Dominicans established themselves in Xocolo on the shore of Lake Izabal in the midth century. Xocolo became infamous among the Dominican missionaries for the practice of witchcraft by its inhabitants. By it was the most important staging post for European expeditions into the interior, and it remained important in that role until as late as , although it was abandoned in In early Montejo the Younger joined his cousin in Champton; he did not remain there long, and quickly moved his forces to Campeche.

Shortly afterwards, Montejo the Younger summoned the local Maya lords and commanded them to submit to the Spanish Crown. A number of lords submitted peacefully, including the ruler of the Xiu Maya. The lord of the Canul Maya refused to submit and Montejo the Younger sent his cousin against them also called Francisco de Montejo ; Montejo the Younger remained in Campeche awaiting reinforcements. He was greatly impressed by a Roman Catholic mass celebrated for his benefit and converted to the new religion. Montejo the Younger then sent his cousin to Chauaca where most of the eastern lords greeted him in peace. The Cochua and Cupul Maya resisted Spanish domination, but were quickly defeated.

Montejo continued to the eastern Ekab province. When nine Spaniards were drowned in a storm off Cozumel and another was killed by hostile Maya, rumours grew in the telling and both the Cupul and Cochua provinces once again rose up against their would-be overlords. The Spanish hold on the eastern portion of the peninsula remained tenuous and a number of Maya polities remained independent, including Chetumal, Cochua, Cupul, Sotuta and the Tazes. On 8 November an alliance of eastern provinces launched a coordinated uprising against the Spanish. The rebellious eastern Maya were finally defeated in a single battle, in which twenty Spaniards and several hundred allied Maya were killed.

The leaders of Xocolo and Amatique, backed by the threat of Spanish action, persuaded a community of Toquegua to settle on the Amatique coast in April The new settlement immediately suffered a drop in population. The new Spanish garrison in an area that had not previously seen a heavy Spanish military presence provoked the Manche to revolt, which was followed by abandonment of the indigenous settlements. A number of local Maya men and women had also been killed, and the attackers burned the town. The Sajkab'chen company of native musketeers engaged in a skirmish with about 25 Kejache near the abandoned Kejache town of Chunpich. Several musketeers were injured, and the Kejache retreated without injury. The company seized large amounts of abandoned food from two more deserted settlements and then also retreated.

In December the main force was reinforced with soldiers, of which were Spanish and pardo and were Maya, together with labourers and muleteers. Pak'ek'em was sufficiently far from the new Spanish road that it was free from military interference, and the friars oversaw the building of a church in what was the largest mission town in Kejache territory. A second church was built at B'atkab' to attend to over K'ejache refugees who had been gathered there under the stewardship of a Spanish friar; [] a further church was established at Tzuktok', overseen by another friar. The king of the Itza, cited Itza prophecy and said the time was not yet right. About a dozen of the Spanish party were seized, and three were killed.

The Spanish soldiers opened fire with their muskets, and the Itza retreated across the lake with their prisoners, who included the two Franciscans. Zubiaur ordered his men to fire a volley that killed between 30 and 40 Itzas. Realising that they were hopelessly outnumbered, the Spanish retreated towards Chuntuki, abandoning their captured companions. An advance party was led into an Itza trap and 87 expedition members were lost, including 50 soldiers, two Dominicans and about 35 Maya helpers. Once there they built a heavily armed galeota attack boat, [] which carried men and at least five artillery pieces. They were resettled on the south shore of the lake. By the latter half of the 18th century, the local inhabitants consisted entirely of Spaniards, mulattos and others of mixed race, all associated with the Castillo de San Felipe de Lara fort guarding the entrance to Lake Izabal.

The Ch'ol of the Lacandon Jungle were resettled in Huehuetenango in the early 18th century. Surviving Itza and Kowoj were resettled in the new colonial towns by a mixture of persuasion and force. Kowoj and Itza leaders in these mission towns rebelled in , but although well-planned, the rebellion was quickly crushed. Its leaders were executed and most of the mission towns were abandoned. The initial shock of the Spanish conquest was followed by decades of heavy exploitation of the indigenous peoples, allies and foes alike. The Spanish reducciones created new nucleated settlements laid out in a grid pattern in the Spanish style, with a central plaza, a church and the town hall housing the civil government, known as the ayuntamiento.

This style of settlement can still be seen in the villages and towns of the area. New crops were also introduced; however, sugarcane and coffee led to plantations that economically exploited native labour. The sources describing the Spanish conquest of Guatemala include those written by the Spanish themselves, among them two letters written by conquistador Pedro de Alvarado in , describing the initial campaign to subjugate the Guatemalan Highlands. Pedro de Alvarado's brother Jorge wrote another account to the king of Spain that explained it was his own campaign of — that established the Spanish colony.

The Tlaxcalan allies of the Spanish wrote their own accounts of the conquest; these included a letter to the Spanish king protesting at their poor treatment once the campaign was over. Other accounts were in the form of questionnaires answered before colonial magistrates to protest and register a claim for recompense. The book was written in and is regarded as one of the most important works of Guatemalan history. From Infogalactic: the planetary knowledge core. Jump to: navigation , search. Indian wars and conflicts of New Spain. Spanish colonial campaigns. File:Gulf of Honduras. Main article: Maya civilization.

File:Maya civilization location map-blank. File:Wax model of smallpox lesions on the face of a 15 year old boy. File:Bartholomew Columbus. Main articles: Spanish conquest of Guatemala and Spanish conquest of Chiapas. Main article: Spanish conquest of Chiapas. File:Chiapas conquest routes to Page from the Lienzo de Tlaxcala depicting the conquest of Iximche. Annals of the Kaqchikels []. File:Map of the Spanish Conquest of Guatemala. File:Monumento a los Montejo. Part of a series on the.

File:Historia de la conquista de la provincia de el Itza. Schele and Fahsen calculated all dates on the more securely dated Kaqchikel annals, where equivalent dates are often given in both the Kaqchikel and Spanish calendars. The Schele and Fahsen dates are used in this section. The archaeological site now known as Mixco Viejo has been proven to be Jilotepeque Viejo, the capital of the Chajoma.

The Mixco Viejo of colonial records has now been associated with the archaeological site of Chinautla Viejo, much closer to modern Mixco. Alvarado, Pedro de []. In Matthew Restall; Florine Asselbergs eds. ISBN OCLC Winter Journal of Anthropological Research. JSTOR Retrieved Guatemala City, Guatemala: Cholsamaj. Laporte, B. Arroyo and H.

Rice; Don S. Rice Laporte and H. Escobedo ed. XII : — In John F. Schwaller ed. Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatan, — 2nd ed. The Maya. Ancient peoples and places series 6th ed. Mexico: from the Olmecs to the Aztecs 5th ed. ISBN X. Nigel Griffin ed. A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies. Olga Camps ed. Archived from the original PDF on The Lost Chronicles of the Maya Kings. Webster Motagua Colonial. ISSN Historical Archaeology. Society for Historical Archaeology. Archived from the original on Andrews; Gabrielle Vail In Gabrielle Vail and Christine L.

Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian symposia and colloquia. Washington, D. II June Berlin, Germany: Ibero-Amerikanisches Institut 9. International Travel Maps. University of Texas at Austin. The Conquest of the Last Maya Kingdom. In Richard E. Adams; Murdo J. Macleod eds. II : Mesoamerica, part 2. In Prudence M. Rice eds. Rice; Prudence M. Rice July American Antiquity. Guatemala: Editorial Artemis-Edinter. Markman Guide to the Ruins of Mixco Viejo. Andrew McIntyre; Edwin Kuh. Guatemala: Piedra Santa. George; Christopher H. Lutz; William R. Swezey April The Americas. Academy of American Franciscan History. George Latin American Research Review. University of Oklahoma Press. First Peoples. Eleuterio Cahuec del Valle ed.

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